Arab Spring/Jasmine Revolution as a Case Study of Civil Society

 "Authority is based on power, and power is often used to mask fear." These words of Noam Chomsky can rightly be attributed to what really happened in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the early years of past decade. History portrays MENA as a region always under serious tussle. Before independence, nations were subjected to the Ottoman Empire and colonialism, and later to despotic rulers.

Though the Arab Spring is often recognized as a spontaneous chain of events, it was not immediate. It was the culmination of years of violence, suppression, denial, and hate that finally bursted out beyond predictions. Starting from Tunisia, the movement spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and more. Massive numbers of men, women, youth, and students protested and became martyrs for their rights, dignity, and democracy in the squares, day and night.

Tunisia

The events launched in Tunisia when a young man, Mohammed Bouazizi, set fire himself as a dissent against the regime. Bouazizi was a horticulture vendor; one day, officials from the government confiscated his produce, alleging lack of proper license. He was denied the right to do business, even though he was willing to pay the fine. With no hopes left he set himself ablaze in front of a municipal office and died on January 4, 2011. This was just the tip of the iceberg.

Massive protests were initiated against the regime led by autocrat Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. People realized this was the optimum time to fight against the years-long persecution they were facing. Citizens were having a bleak phase where even basic rights were denied. Soaring prices, huge unemployment, especially among the youth, led to a prolonged economic crisis. The rule of Ben Ali failed miserably to ameliorate the situation and lead the country further. The Bouazizi event was the final blow against the masses. Around the same time, reports mentioning corruption confronting President Ben Ali were published by whistleblowers WikiLeaks. This stimulated the already fierce dissent among commons. People now demanded the ouster of Ben Ali from chair and the installation of a democratic government.

Bouazizi himself had dreams to pursue foreign education, but his family conditions obstructed it. Thus, it is clear that the regime failed to meet the demands and satisfy the needs of the common man. However, a normal movement was not sufficient for expelling an autocrat like Ben Ali, who was clinging to power for the past 23 years using abysmal means. Here comes the role of social media. The already existing media inside the state were mostly powered by the regime, so there was no meaning in depending on such a system. Also, traditional media was tightly wrapped and regulated by tools like censorship and had their own limitations. Thus, an alternative was indispensable for something big to happen. Thanks to globalization, the interconnectedness paved the way for the proliferation of the internet. Social media platforms like Twitter, YouTube, and Facebook carried a pivotal role in expelling the regime. Disseminating information, educating people about the issues, organizing, and mass mobilizing were done with the aid of internet tools.

Women's participation was visible not only in Tunisia but across the region, and even today, they are fighting against despotism in countries like Syria and Yemen. They broke shibboleths to live a life. It is mandatory to look into their contribution separately. Another critical factor was expatriates. With the assistance of social media and multimedia, they got real-time information about the historical fight happening in their country and felt obliged to be part of it. A huge influx of natives can be recorded during the period. Ben Ali strove hard to suppress the movement, but he failed and was exiled to Saudi Arabia sans any other option left.

However, the political transition of Tunisia was not linear. It was an ebb and flow. Immediately after the revolution, the first free and fair election since independence in 1956 was conducted. Ennahda party came up with a majority vote share but no major seat share. Ennahda was forced into a tripartite coalition, joining secular parties CPR and Ettakatol. However, the alliance was tenuous, and Ennahda was accused of attempting to impose an Islamist juridical order on the state. On 20 March 2012, protests were held in response to Ennahda's proposed constitutional provisions that would have codified Islam as the official religion of the state. Ennahda had also made clear that women were to be placed in a "complementary" legal position and not deserving of formal equality. Secularists feared that this legal language would have enabled a path to the future incorporation of sharia law.

The discontent against the government raised with the assassination of two opposition leaders, Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi. This led to massive demonstrations in the streets again, and people demanded the resignation of the government, leading to a political crisis in the country. It was in this situation that Tunisia's National Dialogue Quartet(TNDA), a group of four civil society organizations(CSO), came forward with the aim of completing the constitution-making process and eventually ensuring a proper political transition in the country. With their influence, more technocrats were included in the constituent assembly, and finally, the constitution was unveiled in June 2014. TNDQ was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their contribution to the peaceful political transition in 2015A striking feature in this transition was the Truth and Dignity Commission, which was formed to investigate the corruption and dig deep into the Ben Ali regime.

Civil Society Organization

In Tunisia and in authoritarian regimes elsewhere in the region, civil society groups were heavily regulated, restricted, and often banned. Regimes will often tolerate, contain, control, and even co-opt the remaining CSOs for their own purposes. They have formed an authoritarian resilience after understanding legitimacy needs adaptations. "Authoritarian resilience" refers to the way in which authoritarian states navigated the needs of the international community for "democracy and democratization", while reinforcing their influence and meeting the needs of their own regime requirements domestically. Yet Tunisia's civil society groups benefited from the relatively cohesive, tolerant make-up of Tunisian society, a society free from ethnically driven conflict.

Various incidents have been recorded in the past where CSOs played crucial roles. For example, the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), which was also a part of TNDQ, had been politically active, notably in protesting IMF-imposed cuts to subsidies and responsible for the trade union strikes in Gafsa in 2008 and Sfax in 2010. Tunisian Human Rights League, another party of TNDQ, was the lone advocate in acknowledging events such as the 1978 "Black Thursday" and IMF subsidies, which eventually led to stagnation. Tunisia's CSOs were in the forefront of the newly created spirit of solidarity, which led to the establishment of new norms of civil engagement for citizens across the Arab world. The emergence of civil society and community empowerment is often credited as one of the drivers for democratization. Tunisia is also the first of the Arab Spring states to begin addressing the role of CSOs in state-society relations and the agency and influence of an array of new civic activists. The revolution succeeded in bridging the historic social, political, and economic divisions between center and periphery, and social divisions between secular and religious, young and old, men and women, bonding otherwise distinct groups and associations rendered illegal by regime laws of association, with the desire to unseat the regime,

Tunisia's interim government promptly reformed state laws by encouraging greater civic participation and creating new political parties and civic organizations. The new network of Tunisian civil society activists called for representation and the redressing of social injustices of a corrupt regime, remedying large-scale unemployment and regional inequality. The civil engagement of Tunisians united 'Islamists of various stripes, left-wing trade unionists, economic and social liberals, and French-style secularists', in solidarity against the incumbent regime without coercion. Tunisia's new civil engagement was unified around economic and social demands for change. Demands for change were generated by the cooperation and coordination of new and existing groups and activists, locally, nationally, and virtually. The Ben Ali regime and its "adaptive authoritarian" mechanisms of managing civil society and civic activism were powerless to quash Tunisia's new social capital.

Even when the revolution has inspired people to organize, agitate, and achieve their demands, not everything has been fulfilled. Yes, there are achievements like better press freedom and internet access, space for operating CSOs and NGOs, and free and fair elections, but it has failed to achieve many other objectives put forward during the revolution. The economic sphere is crumbling even today. The current unemployment level and youth unemployment are close to 18% and 38%, respectively. The demand for better living conditions and adequate jobs has also not been accomplished. The state has also tasted the ill effects of terrorism in 2015, when the Islamic State attacked two very vital spots in the country and killed many, including tourists. This severely hit the tourist influx, which was a main pillar of the economy

The present rule of Kais Saied is also welcoming criticism because of actions that are authoritarian in nature. He has extended the state emergency until the end of the year. Since his ascent to power, the independent functioning of the organs of the state has been severely impacted. His clandestine rise has manipulated the constitution, judiciary, and legislative. This clearly shows that Tunisia is involved in a vicious cycle.

Egypt

Even though Egypt was not the immediate neighbor of Tunisia, the movement was later spread to it. Egypt too was under the autocratic rule of Hosni Mubarak for 30 years. The same predicaments in Tunisia were replicated here, and people were passing through annihilation. What happened in Tunisia was a template for Egyptians, and they got highly inspired by it. Another factor acted crucially in Egypt: the death of a young man, Khaled Saeed, in police custody. The pictures of his disorganized corpse were flooded on social media, and a "We are all Khaled" campaign was launched against the police and government. Thus, the ground was fertile for a revolution to happen. Large-scale demonstrations unfolded in the cities of Cairo. The law and order situation worsened day by day as the intensity of protests rose steadily. The regime, using police and army, unleashed heavy repression. At some stages, the military stood with protesters, but that was not stable.

In February 2011, Mubarak stepped down as president, and Muhammad Morsi assumed power. Being the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, Morsi promised to be secular and a democrat. While assuming charges, he vowed to protect minority rights and establish a liberal democracy; however, his actions were contradictory. He distorted constitutional provisions and placed himself beyond judicial review, preventing the dissolution of the Islamist-dominated constituent assembly. This led to massive dissent from the judiciary, opposition parties, and human rights activists. Finally, it ended only when another dictator assumed power, this time an army general turned president, Abdul Fattah al-Sisi. Thus, it is evident that a proper channeling towards democratization of rule has not happened in this pyramid country.

Syria

Syria is the worst-hit country among the Arab countries, possibly the worst-hit country currently on the entire planet. The attempt to oust the dictator Bashar al-Assad failed miserably. The equally inspiring and unbelievable stories of Tunisia and Egypt instigated Syria to attempt similar uprisings. It started with fifteen boys in the southwestern city of Deraa, Syria, spray-painting on a school wall: "The people want the fall of the regime." They were arrested and tortured. Demonstrators who rallied behind them clashed with police, and protests spread. The modest demands included the release of political prisoners, an end to the half-century-old state of emergency, greater freedoms, and an end to corruption. Assad responded to protesters immediately, offering only token reforms while directing security services to put down the protests with force. He even crossed the limits and used chemical weapons (Ghouta chemical attack) against citizens, inviting global condemnation.

The domestic situation in Syria today is highly complex. The political turmoil has opened doors for state and non-state actors to come into play. Terrorism, rebel groups, and international actors have created havoc in the country. Terror franchises of Islamic State and Al-Qaeda are now dormant, but their threats are unprecedented. The international community has been divided into two lines: Russia, China, and Iran support Assad on one side, while the US-led NATO is on the other side. The US, which was involved in the fight against rebels and terror outfits upholding their war on terror, withdrew its troops in 2019. The field currently favors Assad, with strong Russian backing. While the violence has waned, civilians are now suffering an economic crisis. More than 90 percent of the population lives in poverty. Syrians have been the main victims of international sanctions, including the U.S. Caesar Act, which aims to pressure the regime to reform but appears to have little effect on Assad.

The mayhem in the country has created a severe refugee crisis. More than half of Syria's pre-war population of twenty-two million has been displaced by the violence, with almost seven million people displaced internally and nearly the same amount having fled abroad. This has created a heavy burden in neighboring countries like Lebanon, Jordan, and Turkey. It is regarded as a major reason behind Europe's anti-immigration policies. With limited work and educational opportunities, and little hope that they will soon be able to return safely home, more than one million asylum seekers and refugees have journeyed to Europe, contributing to what the United Nations called the largest migrant and refugee crisis since World War II. Since the Israel-Palestine conflict and the political tension associated with it have revived, there is little chance of a truce soon.

Libya

The chain of revolution has profoundly impacted the political, economic, and social situation of Libya. Libya was under the reign of a strong leader, Muammar Gaddafi. Assuming power in 1969, Gaddafi held the position for almost 41 years. The Arab Spring events crossed the borders and entered Libya in 2011. It became violent after the arrest of a lawyer in the city of Benghazi and the associated protests. Soon, the protests spread like fire. Gaddafi, with his usual iron fist, tried to suppress the protests in the initial stages. He claimed these demonstrations were foreign-made and hallucinated by drugs.

However, the situation worsened for Gaddafi after the international community turned its attention towards Libya. The National Transitional Council, envisioned for establishing democracy in Libya, got support from NATO and Qatar for arms, ammunition, and training in the fight against Gaddafi. Finally, all these culminated in the death of Gaddafi at the hands of rebels. Albeit the year-long dictatorship was ended, Libya is still in a stalemate. The rise of militias and rebel groups, along with terrorism, puts the country in a conundrum. Economic crisis and ongoing civil war exacerbate the living conditions for the common man. Thus, the Libyan revolution falls into the category of poor examples. There are many people who still believe NATO intervention was unnecessary and only worsened the situation.

Role of women

The role women played during the Arab Spring is undeniable and maybe the greatest in this century. The reason is simple: they broke the expectation. They shattered the stereotypes and prejudices the common man placed on Arab women. The international community was flabbergasted because they didn't expect Arab women, who were in niqabs following stringent religious norms, to come out of their homes and protest in the streets. Large-scale participation was visible during the whole Spring period. They were exhausted by the lamentable despotic regimes. Autocracy, corruption, bribery, and nepotism made them feel like it was do or die. Women across the streets demanded equal rights, freedom of expression, liberty, and dignity to follow a decent life.

However, the political situation after the Spring is not that joyful for them. In the transition phase, they were sidelined, denying decision-making rights and political representation, except for incidents of reservation in the Egyptian parliament or participation in the Syrian National Council. When gauging the duty they carried, it is meager. In most cases, they turned out to be observers for checking whether the transition was really happening according to the people's demand.

The major problem behind this was the absence of proper political institutions or political education. During the Indian independence struggle, the moderates were heavily criticized for their trust in the British government and lack of same on the masses. They believed Indian masses need to be politically educated before entering into a full-scale national movement. This was lacking in Arab; neither was there an institution like the Indian National Congress nor a vision. What they had were demands arising from their years-long suppression. Despite such limitations, they are still fighting against regimes.

Also, to note, every woman was not supporting change; some stood with their rulers, like Gaddafi in Libya and Saleh in Yemen.

Student and Social Media

During the period during the Arab Spring countries in MENA were mostly experiencing low mortality, which paved the way for a demographic where the youth population is high. Along with the population and their accessibility to the internet and social media played a crucial role. The students were disappointed with soaring unemployment and unaddressed grievances. With access to the internet, they were aware of the opportunities and lives of people outside. Through social media, they realized the world is not confined to Libya or Syria, or Tunisia, for that matter. They used the platforms intelligently for disseminating information, organizing demonstrations, or expressing solidarity. As with women, students also lacked political power during the transition period. Since they were not a homogeneous group, their aspirations were different. With no political power, their voices were less heard.

Conclusion

There are some ubiquitous questions often heard: whether the Arab Spring was successful, and if there's a chance for revival or Arab Spring 2.0. It's quite difficult to answer these queries because the Arab Spring itself was something less expected. However, some insights can be drawn from whatever happened.

The democratic transition and setting up a democratic government, which was one of the main demands, was only achieved in some countries. Other places either fell into civil war or an autocratic regime yet again. Moreover, massive scales of human rights violations are prevailing. Egypt itself has recorded almost 60,000 prisoners; similarly, Syria is witnessing a massive refugee crisis.

The economic sphere also doesn't sound well. Coupled with rapid population growth and economic slowdown, the Middle East has turned into a hub of unemployment, from 32.9% in 2012 to 36.5% in 2020. According to the International Monetary Fund, political instability is hindering investment in the region, and public jobs have reached saturation levels. Additionally, countries such as Saudi Arabia, under the leadership of Mohammed bin Salman, have been easing rigid orthodox practices and are driving economic growth through initiatives like Vision 2030 to prevent any revolt.

Yet, there are conditions batting for the possibility of revival. The democratic base developed by the Spring has the potential for future revolutions. Masses are now empowered, urbanized, and active; these traits can ignite another fire. In addition to these, state institutions and a supportive regional environment also possess possibilities for revival. For example, in Lebanon, independent candidates won a significant majority of university election seats, surpassing traditional parties and indicating a strong foundation for independent thinking and ideologies. Hence Arab spring like any other season can have a return.